George T. Conway III Quotes

The modern presidency, as expressed in the policies of the administration of George W. Bush, provides the strongest piece of evidence that we are governed by a fundamentally different Constitution from that of the framers.

The framers of the Constitution did not entrust this House with the power to impeach the President of the United States in order to establish this body as a court of personal morality.

The President of the United States will not stand and be questioned like a chicken thief by men whose names he does not even know.

The powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive.

We often get impeachment inquiries or moves for impeachment inquiries on one president or another, and it doesn't go anywhere.

Every time a president invokes executive privilege, there are three relevant audiences he has to think about: the courts, Congress, and the public.

How exactly the obstruction-of-justice statutes interact with the president's broad powers to supervise the executive branch under Article II of the Constitution is a genuinely difficult question.

Whether the Constitution allows indictment of a sitting president is debatable.

Impeachment is allowed under Brazil's Constitution.

I do not espouse the unitarian position. President Clinton's assertion of directive authority over administration, more than President Reagan's assertion of a general supervisory authority, raises serious constitutional questions.

Presidential power was overruled by the high bench in July 1974, when President Nixon was ordered to turn over some audio tapes of his White House conversations, including the 'smoking gun' tape of June 23, 1972, that revealing the Watergate cover up.

I've never covered the president in any way other than that he is ultimately responsible.

When we wrote the Constitution, the intention was to give the commander in chief the authority how to use the forces when you authorize him to be able to use the forces.

England is the model from which impeachment has been borrowed.

Presidents don’t get to do do-overs!

The Bush administration is not arguing that the President is above the law; they are arguing that the President is the law.

Congress has chosen to recognize that a president may be forced to pursue legitimate foreign policy objectives by covert means. Such recognition, however, does not mean it surrenders the right to be informed of covert measures so that it can express its views as to the legitimacy of the goals or the wisdom of seeking to achieve them.

What a President may do as a matter of expediency or extremity may never reach a definitive constitutional decision.

I do not believe that the President has any powers at all except such as the Constitution expressly gives him or such as are necessarily inferred.

I believe executive privilege should protect the President's conversations with key aides ... but on substantive matters of concern I do not believe executive privilege ought to exist.

When a President asserts constitutional powers he needs to be pretty certain he has those powers.

It is not the Congress's job to rubber stamp bad decisions [of the President.]

Presidents ought to get the appointments they want for the cabinet and then be responsible for them.

Let them impeach and be damned!

... the decisive engine of impeachment.