J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT

What they fear, I think rightly, is that traditional Vietnamese society cannot survive the American economic and cultural impact.

In our excessive involvement in the affairs of other countries, we are not only living off our assets and denying our own people the proper enjoyment of their resources; we are also denying the world the example of a free society enjoying its freedom to the fullest.

Once imbued with the idea of a mission, a great nation easily assumes that it has the means as well as the duty to do God's work.

The price of empire is America's soul, and that price is too high.

The rapprochement of peoples is only possible when differences of culture and outlook are respected and appreciated rather than feared and condemned, when the common bond of human dignity is recognized as the essential bond for a peaceful world.

There has been a tendency through the years for reason and moderation to prevail as long as things are going tolerably well or as long as our problems seem clear and finite and manageable.

Law is the essential foundation of stability and order both within societies and in international relations.

We must dare to think 'unthinkable' thoughts. We must learn to explore all the options and possibilities that confront us in a complex and rapidly changing world.

The exchange program is the thing that reconciles me to all the difficulties of political life.

In a democracy, dissent is an act of faith.

In the long course of history, having people who understand your thought is much greater security than another submarine.

When we violate the law ourselves, whatever short-term advantage may be gained, we are obviously encouraging others to violate the law; we thus encourage disorder and instability and thereby do incalculable damage to our own long-term interests.

There is an inevitable divergence between the world as it is and the world as men perceive it.

To be a statesman, you must first get elected.

As a conservative power, the United States has a vital interest in upholding and expanding the reign of law in international relations.

There has been a strong tradition in this country that it is not the function of the military to educate the public on political issues.

In the name of noble purposes men have committed unspeakable acts of cruelty against one another.

When public men indulge themselves in abuse, when they deny others a fair trial, when they resort to innuendo and insinuation, to libel, scandal, and suspicion, then our democratic society is outraged, and democracy is baffled.

There are many respects in which America, if it can bring itself to act with the magnanimity and the empathy appropriate to its size and power, can be an intelligent example to the world.

The cause of our difficulties in southeast Asia is not a deficiency of power but an excess of the wrong kind of power which results in a feeling of impotence when it fails to achieve its desired ends.

Insofar as international law is observed, it provides us with stability and order and with a means of predicting the behavior of those with whom we have reciprocal legal obligations.

We are trying to remake Vietnamese society, a task which certainly cannot be accomplished by force and which probably cannot be accomplished by any means available to outsiders.

I do not question the power of our weapons and the efficiency of our logistics; I cannot say these things delight me as the y seem to delight some of our officials, but they are certainly impressive.

A policy that can be accurately, though perhaps not prudently, defined as one of “peaceful co-existence.”

The Arrogance of Power