Lawrence Kudlow Quotes

The last time you and I sat across a conference table in Potsdam [July-August, 1945], I must confess Sir, I held you in very low regard. I loathed your taking the place of Franklin Roosevelt. I misjudged you badly. Since that time, you more than any other man have saved Western Civilization.

World War II and the ensuing Cold War compelled the United States to develop a sustained commitment to Western Europe and the Far East.

There's a myth that Roosevelt gave Stalin Eastern Europe. I was with Roosevelt every day at Yalta.

Roosevelt was determined to stop Stalin from taking over Eastern Europe. He thought they finally had an agreement on Poland. Before Roosevelt died, he realized that Stalin had broken his agreement.

One of my American heroes is the great former U.S. diplomat George Kennan.

When we refused to be forced out of Berlin, we demonstrated to the people of Europe that with their cooperation we would act, and act resolutely, when their freedom was threatened.

The Cold War began with the division of Europe. It can only end when Europe is whole.

In the post war period I began again to have my doubts about Russian policy.

At this time I had complete confidence in Russian policy and believed that the Western Allies deliberately allowed Germany and Russia to fight each other to death.

Stalin's policies pushed the world into the Cold War. Putin has the potential to be equally as dangerous.

My favourite president, and the one I admired most, was Harry Truman.

Just five years before that the Russians were our allies.

The Cold War isn't thawing; it is burning with a deadly heat. Communism isn't sleeping; it is, as always, plotting, scheming, working, fighting.

Although we had been led to believe our mission was suicidal, Russia's intrigue was irresistible. Almost twice the size of Australia, it spans 11 time zones from the Baltic to the Pacific.

The USSR has emerged from the war in the role of one of most authoritative powers in world. It is now impossible to solve serious questions of international relations without participation of USSR.

We know only too well that Communist desire for domination will not stop at either ocean. We urge firmness now.

For Americans of the Greatest Generation that fought World War II and of the Silent Generation that came of age in the 1950s, the great moral and ideological cause was the Cold War. It gave purpose and clarity to our politics and foreign policy, and our lives.

When historians consider the significance of the Berlin crises of the mid-20th century, I do not believe that they will record it as an incident in the encirclement of freedom. The true view, in my judgment, will be to see it rather as a major episode in the recession of communism.

During my childhood in the Cold War, my family saw America as a great ally in our common struggle to keep back Soviet communism.

I was born in Allied-controlled Pola. At the end of World War II, the victorious wartime Allied powers negotiated the details of peace treaties and borders with Italy, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Finland. The Paris Treaty was signed on February 10, 1947. I was born a few days later.

Soviet Union foreign policy is a puzzle inside a riddle wrapped in an enigma, and the key is Russian nationalism.

There is no doubt that America is now the prime target of international communism.

I think that the Cold War was an exceptional and unnecessary piece of cruelty.

I was very much a child of the Cold War.

Truman is now seen as a near-great president because he put in place the containment doctrine boosted by the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan and NATO, which historians now see as having been at the center of American success in the cold war.