Federica Montseny Quotes

Without a revolutionary theory there cannot be a revolutionary movement.

Anarchists prepare for social revolution and use every means- speech, writing, or deed, whichever is more to the point - to accelerate revolutionary development.

Anyone who makes plans for after the revolution is a reactionary.

Look, if the Situationists achieved what they wanted, they would be very unhappy and they would have to be Situationists all over again. It's a never-ending process.

A revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, not every revolutionary situation leads to revolution.

“Order prevails in Berlin!” You foolish lackeys! Your “order” is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will “rise up again, clashing its weapons,” and to your horror it will proclaim with trumpets blazing: I was, I am, I shall be!

Comrades, the revolution is on.

We now have a literary movement. it is not very important; it will be followed by a political movement, that will not be very important; then must come a military movement, that will be important indeed

A party as such, in the course of the development of a revolution, becomes identical with the revolution.

Of all the things we have done, the most important - the one that history will record as the principal contribution of our generation - is that we understand how to turn the armed struggle into a Revolution; that we realized that it was essential to create a new mentality to build a new society.

Let us not be so naive as to think that revolution is just a matter of social or economic discontent.

Revolution is born as a social entity within the oppressor society.

If today I stand here as a revolutionary, it is as a revolutionary against the Revolution.

Passive fatalism can never be the role of a revolutionary party, like the Social Democracy.

Tyranny may precipitate a revolutionary movement at any time.

Every revolutionary movement ... proposes the greatest number of achievements possible.

Fire in the lake: The image of revolution.

There are revolutionary committees that practice revolutionary violence, and anyone who opposes the will of the people will have to be chased. Anyone who is opposed to the will of the people becomes a foe of the people. The duty of the revolutionary committee is to practice revolutionary violence against the enemies of the revolution.

Revolutions, when they erupt, appear to the elites and the establishment to be sudden and unexpected. This is because the real work of revolutionary ferment and consciousness is unseen by the mainstream society, noticed only after it has largely been completed.

If there is to be a revolution, there must be a revolutionary party.

We say primarily that the priority of this struggle is class. That Marx and Lenin and Che Guevara and Mao Tse-Tung, and anybody else who ever said or knew or practiced anything about revolution, always said that a revolution is a class struggle.

Our aim is not to die. It is to carry out the revolution, to make a reality of our ideas. We must live, to get them accepted by the people.

The masses go into a revolution not with a prepared plan of social reconstruction, but with a sharp feeling that they cannot endure the old regime. Only the guiding layers of a class have a political program, and even this still requires the test of events and the approval of the masses.

You cannot make a revolution with silk gloves.

Every reform movement has a lunatic fringe.