Angela Merkel Quotes

The line has not been exactly drawn which separates those important subjects, which must be entirely regulated by the legislature itself, from those of less interest, in which … power may be given to those who are to act under such general provisions to fill up the details.

The EU represents a highly developed system for mutual interference in each other’s domestic affairs right down to beer and sausages.

People may not know what tier of government has competence over which policy area but they do draw a distinction between the local and the national.

We could not have parliamentary sovereignty with a European Parliament.

The Obama administration is on notice - they will not be allowed to regulate what they have been unable to legislate.

I know this isn't a widespread view in the Anglo Saxon world, but I believe that much of the reconciliation between more centralized governance and the scope for democracy - democratic control - will be resolved through an even stronger role of the European Parliament.

The principle of Parliamentary sovereignty means neither more nor less than this, namely, that Parliament thus defined has, under the English constitution, the right to make or unmake any law whatever; and, further, that no person or body is recognized by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.

There is no alternative. Either the colonies are a part of the community of Great Britain, or they are in a state of nature with respect to her, and in no case can be subject to that legislative power which represents her community, which is the British Parliament…. They [the American colonists] ought to reflect, that whatever may be their condition, they cannot apply to parliament to better it. If they reject the jurisdiction of parliament, they must not in any case sue for its interposition on their behalf.

We're not going to let some unelected bureaucrats in Washington stop us from moving forward with our agenda, but at the end of the day, CBO is not the Holy Grail.

When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.

We think the government is running the country, but it is just a policymaker. Unknowingly, people are inviting the government to run their lives. The only business of the government is to come up with the right policies.

In the E.U., the initiation of policy comes from the European Commission - not the European parliament, the European Commission, an appointed body; a committee of 27 countries where everything is haggled away.

If the court case I brought against the government over article 50 was about anything at all, it was about parliamentary sovereignty.

Ultimately, any government is one which enjoys the majority of support of members of Parliament to carry out a policy.

Judges are not members of Congress, they're not state legislators, governors, nor presidents. Their job is not to pass laws, implement regulations, nor to make policy.

Labour must evince a positive vision for the future of our country outside the E.U. One that is consistent with the leave voters' objectives, without sacrificing our rights and protections, as the Conservatives threaten to do.

A desire to see significant reform and change is perfectly compatible with our belief that membership of the E.U. is in our national interest.

Our national focus will be security, with the goal of 'a Europe that protects.'

Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.

For 47 years, the U.K. has been forced to follow rules set by Brussels bureaucrats, many of whom have never set a foot on British soil.

I said a vote to leave would be a Brexit tax. I couldn't think of anything stronger than that.

Very few MPs disagree with the need for a withdrawal bill to enable us to disentangle our 50-year relationship with the legal structures of the European Union and to enable us to function effectively outside of it.

If you understand that we need a comprehensive approach to the migration issue, and only at European level, will this comprehensive approach be valuable and work. If we cannot convince our member states and citizens of that, then we will be in the same situation as the Dutch citizens were in 1581.

Britain needs a good Brexit deal to safeguard jobs, security and trade and to build a new partnership with the E.U. Achieving this will be fiendishly difficult.

Instead of embracing change, the E.U.'s precautionary principle has held back progress.