Mark Esper Quotes

We may be a little bit late - we are late - coming to the recognition that we are in a strategic competition with China.

Geopolitical drama lessened but did not die after the Cold War; in 2008, the specter of thousands of seeming automatons banging drums at the opening of the Beijing Games frightened and enthralled the world, reminding us that China was a nation on the rise, a competitor for global dominance.

For the first time since the 15th century, China is becoming a major economic power.

What really matters for great powers is power—national economic and military strength—and that speaks loudly and clearly for itself.

Make China Strong. Make China String is the only way to ensure that foreign countries will not tart a conflict against us.

Frankly I'm a bit concerned when it comes to U.S.-China relations.

Unless we rise to the challenge, instead of American youth being able to live the American dream, the Chinese will fulfill their dream of overtaking America.

Probably Romania and China and Russia. I think they're all working really hard to beat us right now.

As is often the case when things are complicated, extreme views have superficial appeal. On the one extreme, some see China as an inevitable enemy that must be contained; on the other hand, there are those who see China as a slowly developing democracy that can be embraced.

I think the implications for the rise of China are huge in terms of the political landscape, economic balance, de-velopment thinking, and the environment.

When I came to the Senate in 1997, the world was being redefined by forces no single country controlled or understood. The implosion of the Soviet Union and a historic diffusion of economic and geopolitical power created new influences and established new global power centers - and new threats.

The United States and Russia probably do not have common aims and dreams, but they have common worries: Both Washington and Moscow are concerned about the rise of China and are threatened by the rise of radical Islam.

In the space of a decade, China and India have emerged as dramatic, dynamic competitors.

So in terms of the global economic footprint, let's just say China within the next decade and a bit is likely to emerge as the world's largest economy. Obviously its foreign policy and security policy footprint increases and that creates both challenges and opportunities for us all.

Anyone who has seen the auto factories in Detroit and the oil fields in Texas knows that Japan lacks the national power for a naval race with America.

Even one billion Chinese do not a superpower make.

The threat to Russia isn't liberal Europe or America. It is nonliberal Islam and nonliberal China. Russia has to change. It can't be otherwise. It will take time. You have to be patient.

There is no doubt that America is a superpower of the world and we cannot ignore them.

Very near the heart of all foreign affairs is the relationship between policy and military power.

A nation is a superpower not just because of its military strength.

If America and China collide, both will suffer.

The political control of this great industrial weapon means political supremacy both in war and peace. The history of the increasingly bitter struggle between France and Germany for control of the industry indicates a growing recognition of this fact.

The U.S.-China relationship is one of the most important bilateral relationships in the world.

It is clear that while our Army was engaged in Afghanistan and Iraq, Russia studied U.S. capabilities and vulnerabilities and embarked on an ambitious and largely successful modernization effort.

There is no substitute for American leadership and exceptionalism.