Khaled Mashal Quotes

I am deeply concerned that, without peace and a two-state solution, the Jewish and democratic nature of Israel is in danger. That's why I have opposed Israel's settlement policy since 1973, and that's why I have favored a two-state solution since 1967.

We want the Israelis to leave. They want to leave - so let us let them leave.

The Old City of Jerusalem is in our hands.

We expect President Bush to implement his own vision of a two-state solution, the birth of the Palestinian State and the ending of the occupation that started in 1967.

There is no solution to the conflict in this region except with the disappearance of Israel.

The reason I think settlements are not a good idea is that they create facts on the ground about issues that are supposd to be negotiated. It makes it very hard to trade land for peace--one basis of the 2 State Solution.

I will not support any peace deal that will allow the return of even one Palestinian refugee to Israel.

One way or another, Gaza's residents must live in peace with Israel.

No one was talking about a two-state solution until the '90s, then it became an acceptable solution.

If America would really stand behind the two-state solution, they could make real pressure on Israel.

Israel must withdraw from Jerusalem so that it becomes the capital of a state of Palestine.

The Palestinian issue is a national, political issue. It's not to be seen as an economic issue that would be solved or addressed by some economic approach that makes the living standard of the people under occupation better. The Palestinian people are fed up with talks that have been going on for years. We are looking for peace, but we are not looking for a new peace process. This process will fail.

In countries where people have to flee their homes because of persecution and violence, political solutions must be found, peace and tolerance restored, so that refugees can return home. In my experience, going home is the deepest wish of most refugees.

A return to the 1967 lines and the abandonment of the settlements near Jerusalem would be such a psychological trauma for Israel as to endanger its survival.

As a person committed to human rights and international law and the right of self-determination, I would like to see the occupation end. And then it is up to the Palestinians themselves to decide what they want.

What I, as the prime minister of the present government of Israel, started to do, is first to tackle the longest part of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Words will build no walls.

To get home you had to end the war. To end the war was the reason you fought it. The only reason.

Let every girl, let every woman, let every mother here [in Israel]-and there in my country [Egypt]-know we shall solve all our problems through negotiations around the table rather than starting war.

It is my disposition to maintain peace until its condition shall be made less tolerable than that of war itself.

We will not leave the Golan Heights, not even in exchange for a peace treaty. We will be ready for a limited compromise and it does not have to be in territorial terms.

I have been a long-time advocate for a just Arab-Israeli peace and for Palestinian refugees.

Germany and Israel should dream together for a Middle East in which all the countries are willing to exchange the dispute of the parents with peace for their children.

We often discuss housing refugees, but not how you help return refugees back to their home countries. As a result, in a post-disaster or post-conflict situation, we end up with intractable refugee camps that end up staying for decades.

Karabakh conflict has a strong influence on the political climate both in Azerbaijan and Armenia. It is obvious, too, that the Azerbaijani leadership can capitalize indefinitely on this topic to underpin its legitimacy even in a situation in which democratic institutions are virtually eliminated.