Andrew Scheer Quotes

In a pre-Internet world, sovereignty over our physical freedoms, or lack thereof, was controlled almost entirely by nation-states.

Governments have been ceding power to big multinational corporations in the market. We see the manifest in a variety of ways. Where governments are giving up power to big international institutions like the World Trade Organization or NAFTA, which are disabling governments' ability to protect the rights of their own people.

A Supreme Court decision that concessions of this sort were unconstitutional would have taken them off the table and actually increased the effective sovereignty of elected officials.

Laws are the sovereigns of sovereigns.

We could not get NAFTA passed today with the current Congress…. We’ve got to combine trade liberalization with a broad-based sharing of the fruits of our productivity.

The principle of Parliamentary sovereignty means neither more nor less than this, namely, that Parliament thus defined has, under the English constitution, the right to make or unmake any law whatever; and, further, that no person or body is recognized by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.

If NAFTA goes away, it's not the end of the world. It certainly is not the end of trade between Mexico and the United States.

International summits and organisations like WTO take decisions, which will bind us, and if we are not present in such summits, we may be hurt by the decisions taken.

During the early 1990s, Mexico's domestic political sensitivities meant that it rarely extradited people who had committed crimes in the U.S. After NAFTA, extradition numbers began to increase until they surpassed 100 a year in the late 2000s.

I fought for MPs to have the right to vote on article 50 not because I was against Brexit, but because I was, and remain passionately, an advocate of parliamentary sovereignty.

When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.

If the U.K. wants to leave the E.U., we need to stay in the single market.

NAFTA, by itself, will not collapse. The possibility is that the United States leaves the treaty, but the treaty itself would keep regulating relations between Canada and Mexico.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement is a continuation of other disastrous trade agreements, like NAFTA, CAFTA, and permanent normal trade relations with China.

As somebody who campaigned to leave the EU, I believe we have a bright future ahead of us- but we have to get it right.

Brexit is a major concern for us, and it should be a major concern for all of us who live in the U.K. and operate out of the U.K.

Labour must evince a positive vision for the future of our country outside the E.U. One that is consistent with the leave voters' objectives, without sacrificing our rights and protections, as the Conservatives threaten to do.

Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.

Whenever there is a threat to cooperative federalism, the TDP will certainly raise its voice.

A scenario without NAFTA is something we have to think about.

Britain needs a good Brexit deal to safeguard jobs, security and trade and to build a new partnership with the E.U. Achieving this will be fiendishly difficult.

In a way, NAFTA is like a scrambled egg. How do you unscramble an egg? The value chains are so interwoven that it would be very difficult to do that. But government policies force us to look for ways to unscramble it.

India's difficulties in negotiating an FTA with both the ASEAN and E.U. are a reminder of the importance of multilateralism.

As the U.K. prepares to leave the E.U., we have an opportunity to leverage our reputation for integrity and fair play as we establish new trading relationships.

NAFTA is a trilateral agreement, and it would make a lot of sense to have trilateral discussions.