Claire Fox Quotes

Theresa May, a Remainer, assumed that all of the Brexit voters are racist, thinks we will use this to kick British citizens out of the country; it is despicable.

When it comes to something like Brexit, I am part of the liberal-media London bubble, and so, to me, voting to leave was madness. My perspective was that it was cutting off your nose to spite your face.

We've seen with Brexit and other things that there's a dark impulse to be petulant and frustrated with complicated solutions.

UKIP's biggest fight is with the Conservative Party.

The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.

The Brexit vote, the presidential elections in the U.S., a number of the other regional political movements - that's not a flash in the pan.

The Brexit and Trump phenomena are informed by similar forces and social and economic movements. I think it's been really stressful; it's been really scary.

The issue for me is not just Brexit. It is beyond Brexit - how you conduct politics and the veering towards populism and English nationalism.

Brexit is not going to solve the causes of Brexit.

I would delete Donald Trump. I would delete Hillary Clinton. I would delete the man who was responsible for Brexit.

Brexit is a harbinger for Trump, really.

There's a lot in common between the Trump phenomenon and the campaign for Britain to exit the European Union, known as Brexit.

Political parties often take advantage of denial and fear in a moment of change. This is a well understood phenomenon that often leads to scapegoat-ism: blaming outsiders, such as immigrants, or racial and religious minorities. The phenomenon is behind Brexit and the violence in the political cycles in the US and EU.

Fuck the EU!

Populism is strong in places with weak party systems because political parties exist precisely to form governments as well as legitimate oppositions. When identity politics predominates, populists will prosper.

The lack of trust in supranational entities and cosmopolitan elite creates a fertile ground for tribalist belongings and reactionary politics.

The only people to whom myself and the immigration issue is toxic are to the well-heeled committed Remain voters, the sort of people who live in the Hannan and Carswell world.

I think the Brexit vote in Great Britain informing this populist movement of nationalism is kind of a global thing, and I think it's no particular political party's fault. People have been left behind, and in America, we're used to going forward. It's always like we're going to be better; the next generation's going to be better.

Faced with global challenges, politicians like Donald Trump have played on the fears and concerns of the American people with divisive, hateful rhetoric and proposals.

One of the reasons why many British voters chose to leave the European Union was because they distrusted European institutions. Of all the many costs of Brexit, this was one I did not foresee: That it could wind up damaging the nation's faith in its own institutions too.

Nobody does more identity politics than Donald Trump.

The E.U. referendum was promised by a Conservative Prime Minister fearful of losing votes and of mass defections to UKIP.

Brexit has really broken a taboo. The Brits have shown us that you can leave the European Union, and you can come out better.

The French elites' strategy of trying to defeat the Le Pens by aping their rhetoric, stealing their policies, and pandering to their voters has been a political and moral failure.

Donald Trump appeals to the worst fears of Americans at a time we need unity, not division. Republicans are deeply divided by a man who is perilously close to gaining the most powerful position in the world, and many rightly see him as a real threat to our Republic.