Chris Grayling Quotes

I hate this argument that says little Britain or something outside, or Britain is part of a wider Europe. We can both be within our trading relationships within Europe but we can also be a fantastic global trader.

The North American Free Trade Agreement marked a fundamental change in the global trade scheme.

We are in a global economy whether we like it or not. And we believe - I believe - that America should be at the table writing the rules of the global economy instead of China.

NAFTA will continue to regulate the relationship between Mexico and Canada.

The pattern shows that whenever countries try to construct access to the single market... it has required freedom of movement and massive contributions to the E.U. budget, and no role in any decision making processes that frame the rules.

You have to understand that under One Country, Two Systems, we are a separate customs authority in the same way we are a separate member of the World Trade Organization.

Turkey has a customs union with the E.U. - it still means there are checks on the border between Turkey and the E.U.

The government must be open enough to provide robust impact assessments of leaving the single market or the customs union, including region-by-region and sector-by-sector analysis.

We're always willing to look at ways NAFTA can work better. But it's a fine line between looking at ways to make it work better and actually starting to open the agreement. I think, if you actually opened the agreement, I think you would get into a negotiation that - that would never terminate.

I fought NAFTA when it passed; it has been a big disaster for us, in my opinion. If we can renegotiate that, it would be wonderful.

We recognize that NAFTA is a three-country agreement, and we need a three-country negotiation.

Commonwealth is the only alternative for Puerto Rico. It is the only alternative that harmonizes the aspirations and goals of the modern world by protecting Puerto Rico's identity and simultaneously guaranteeing its relationship with the United States, complete with a common market, common citizenship, common defense, and common currency.

I opposed NAFTA in 1993 and '94.

Trade means jobs, but trade also means security. The time has come for all of us to urge the swift adoption of the Trans Pacific Partnership.

I strongly suspect that there would be a positive economic advantage to the U.K. in leaving the single market.

Any bilateral trade and investment agreement must be comprehensive and address the full range of barriers to U.S. goods and services if it is to receive broad, bipartisan congressional support.

Hillary Clinton can't tell a good trade deal from bad one.

The most difficult part of Brexit will be to figure out the trade regime between the U.K. and the rest of the E.U. because the level of trade integration between the members of the E.U. is the deepest in the world and integrates regulations that govern how products and services are produced and sold within the E.U.

We would only need a bespoke solution for Northern Ireland if Britain leaves the Single Market.

The idea that you could send agricultural products to Tokyo and Osaka and not pay tariffs, and you would have to pay tariffs sending them to Manchester, is quite hard to fathom in the modern world.

The truth is that every trade deal imposes some restriction on sovereignty.

Trump has said he will dismantle the North American Free Trade Agreement. This would be hugely harmful for Canada and the U.S. and for integration in the region.

We were right to make the case for the U.K. to negotiate a comprehensive customs union with the E.U. And we are right to argue for a strong single market deal, based on common standards, protections and regulations: the right balance of rights and obligation.

The precondition to negotiating NAFTA is that we can't go back to the past.

NAFTA has been a great success for the three countries involved.