CARL L. BECKER

The American revolution was a struggle for home rule but also for who should rule at home.

Reason is incompetent to answer any fundamental question about God, or morality, or the meaning of life.

History is an indispensable even though not the highest form of intellectual endeavor.

Logic is something the mind has created to conceal its timidity, a hocus-pocus designed to give formal validity to conclusions we are willing to accept if everybody else in our set will too.

History is the memory of things said and done.

Virginia was in fact a landowning aristocracy, without nobility or merchant class, or any considerable small peasant farming class; and the other Southern colonies, except North Carolina, were on the whole similar to Virginia in these respects.

No class of Americans ... has ever objected ... to any amount of government meddling if it appeared to benefit that particular class.

All historians, even the most scientific, have bias, if in no other sense than the determination not to have any.

Corporations have at different times been so far unable to distinguish freedom of speech from freedom of lying that their freedom has to be curbed.

The history that lies inert in unread books does no work in the world …. our proper function is not to repeat the past but to make use of it

The most striking defect in our system of government is that it divides political power and thereby conceals political responsibility.

No class of Americans ... has ever objected ... to any amount of government meddling if it appeared to benefit that particular class.

The ‘facts' of history do not exist for any historian until he creates them, and into every fact that he creates some part of his individual experience must enter. But experience not only furnishes the elements for the image which the sources guide us in forming: it is also the final court of appeal in evaluating the sources themselves.

The history that lies inert in unread books does no work in the world …. our proper function is not to repeat the past but to make use of it

The American revolution was a struggle for home rule but also for who should rule at home.

The significance of man is that he is insignificant and is aware of it.

History is an indispensable even though not the highest form of intellectual endeavor.

All historians, even the most scientific, have bias, if in no other sense than the determination not to have any.

History is the memory of things said and done.

Virginia was in fact a landowning aristocracy, without nobility or merchant class, or any considerable small peasant farming class; and the other Southern colonies, except North Carolina, were on the whole similar to Virginia in these respects.

The value of history is, indeed, not scientific but moral: by liberalizing the mind, by deepening the sympathies, by fortifying the will, it enables us to control, not society, but ourselves - a much more important thing; it prepares us to live more humanely in the present and to meet rather than to foretell the future.

Logic is something the mind has created to conceal its timidity, a hocus-pocus designed to give formal validity to conclusions we are willing to accept if everybody else in our set will too.

Serious thinkers are few, and the world is ruled by crude ideas.

Generally speaking, men are influenced by books which clarify their own thought, which express their own notions well, or which suggest to them ideas which their minds are already predisposed to accept

The logic of all this seems to be that it is all right for young people in a democracy to learn about any civilization or social theory that is not dangerous, but that they should remain entirely ignorant of any civilization or social theory that might be dangerous on the ground that what you don't know can't hurt you ... a complete denial of the democratic principle that the general diffusion of knowledge and learning through the community is essential to the preservation of free government.

All historical writing, even the most honest, is unconsciously subjective, since every age is bound, in spite of itself, to make the dead perform whatever tricks it finds necessary for its own peace of mind.

To ask whether the natural rights philosophy of the Declaration of Independence is true or false, is essentially a meaningless question.

Reason is incompetent to answer any fundamental question about God, or morality, or the meaning of life.

Corporations have at different times been so far unable to distinguish freedom of speech from freedom of lying that their freedom has to be curbed.

No one can deny that much of our modern advertising is essentially dishonest; and it can be maintained that to lie freely and all the time for private profit is not to abuse the right of free speech, whether it is a violation of the law or not. But again the practical question is, how much lying for private profit is to be permitted by law?