On the Northern Ireland question, for instance, the British and Irish governments prohibit media contact with members of the IRA, but we have always gone ahead, believing in the right to information.
But if I ever fight in Northern Ireland again, I want it to be at Windsor Park.
I'd grown up in the U.K., where the surveillance apparatus went into place in the 1970s in response to the Troubles with the IRA. When I was a kid, we moved to Chicago, and I was surprised to see you could live in a large city in which you didn't have cameras on every street corner.
The IRA have nowhere to go. I've stripped away all their excuses, one by one.
Britain has the IRA and no one cancels concerts there.
I was born the year the Troubles began, in 1968. That world of violence was all I knew - people murdered, maimed, kneecapped, bombed. I don't remember a time without a major atrocity of some kind every week.
I started to watch 'Play for Today' and plays like 'Cathy Come Home,' and Kenneth Branagh's 'Billy' trilogy in the 1980s, which took us into the world of the Belfast family. As a kid in Luton, how was I ever going to know that world otherwise?
The sorrow of the IRA Brighton bombing is that Thatcher escaped unscathed.
The Irish Republican Army has kept every commitment made by its leadership.
It is obvious that the RUC is no longer accepted as an impartial police force.
There was a process in place at that time - the Downing Street Declaration of December 1993 - which set out the terms and conditions under which people who had been involved in paramilitary activity could come into the political process.
The best set was probably 'Bloody Sunday.' We had no money for extras and gambled on months of outreach to persuade the people of Derry to turn out and march for us on one single afternoon. And they did. In their tens of thousands. Seeing them march, their patience and their dignity and their commitment, I knew the movie would have a quality of truth.
Paisley has been and remains a greater threat to the Union than the Foreign Office and the Provisional IRA rolled into one.
We've done a lot of films now about the IRA, we can move on from all that. I loved '71 because I think it showed a very honest trail and what it was actually like. It wasn't one-sided. I really respect ['71 director] Yann [Demange] for what he did. But we have done a lot of those things.
The Republican movement have not behaved properly over the years. They have not themselves implemented the Agreement. If they had implemented the Agreement then they would have disarmed completely in May 2000, that is what they undertook to do, that is what they failed to do.
There is not a single injustice in Northern Ireland that is worth the loss of a single British soldier or a single Irish citizen either.
The pursuit of an extreme Brexit cannot come at the cost of peace in Northern Ireland.
The British government says that for Sinn Fein to be involved in talks the guns must be left at the door.
No one wanted to own Bloody Sunday.
I've always been fascinated with Ireland, especially Northern Ireland, having lived in London in the '80s when there was an Irish republican bombing campaign there.
On the other hand, at some level the mass of unresolved issues in Northern Ireland does influence the fact that there are so many good writers in the place.
September 11 was terrible but, if one goes back over the history of the IRA, what happened to the Americans wasn't that terrible.
Hoodwink is a product of his environment. He grew up in Belfast, he was part of the UDA and he fought for what he believed in - or was brainwashed into believing - because of the people that surrounded him.
