Paolo Gentiloni Quotes

We [European countries] probably need to move forward together, each at their own speed. The faster ones, that could be the countries in the euro zone. The others would be those who are interested in the continued development of the common market, but reject the idea of an ever stronger political integration.

Europe is difficult to coordinate, and our main deficit may not even lie in this area of finance and economics, but in foreign and security policy. We have a leadership problem because we are still 27 different members who have still not decided on how to work with each other based on what we used to call a European constitution.

You can't deepen the European Union against the wishes of the European countries.

Germans tend to forget now that the euro was largely a Franco-German creation. No country has benefited more from the euro than Germany, both politically and economically. Therefore what has happened as a result of the introduction of the euro is largely Germany's its responsibility.

If the euro becomes a factor promoting Europe's drifting apart, then the foundation of the European project is destroyed.

The euro is a vital issue for Germany. There is no other country that derives as much benefit from the common domestic market and the monetary union as Germany.

I do not consider the Lisbon Treaty to be a good thing for Europe, for the freedom of Europe, or for the Czech Republic.

While the Marshall Plan was important for Europe's recovery, Europe's prosperity was really built on economic integration and policy coherence.

Indeed, the creators of the euro envisioned it as an instrument to promote political union.

We must build a kind of United States of Europe.

The Euro was a terrible mistake, one that is very difficult to unmake.

The EU represents a highly developed system for mutual interference in each other’s domestic affairs right down to beer and sausages.

The European Community is not a capitalist plot aimed at damaging the interest of social democrats; on the contrary, it could become a mechanism which would enable social democracy to expand into unconquered [by the Russians] territories such as Italy.

It's not only the British voters who have doubts about European cooperation. There is skepticism in many other E.U. countries.

The heart of the matter is that the very nature of the European Union, and of this country's relationship with it, has fundamentally changed after the coming into being of the European monetary union and the creation of the eurozone, of which - quite rightly - we are not a part.

You need a debate and a vote on the principles: Do you want more Europe or less Europe? Do you believe we are more efficient with defense and security with Europe, or not? Do you believe we are more efficient for our companies with or without Europe? Those are the questions we have to discuss and push our people to vote on it.

Our problem as a country is that most of us do not want to join the euro, and we wish to stay aloof from the common frontiers of the free-travel Schengen area. This makes our relationship with the E.U. fraught with tension and trouble.

While it was an experiment to bring them together, nothing has divided Europe as much as the euro.

Our biggest threat is not too much Europe, but too little.

A country outside the euro zone cannot have a veto over countries in the euro zone.

Europe is one thing. The euro is something else.

The E.U. is an organization that was created after the Second World War for calming down the nationalism of member states, and it did so very successfully.

I think there are going to be more countries joining the euro.

Europe is and will be a Union of States.

We are entering a new phase of European politics. What is decisive is not only do we have a single currency area, but also that it is accompanied by a co-ordinated economic and financial policy. We must drive forward tax harmonisation in Europe.