David Gauke Quotes

If Parliament is voting overwhelmingly against leaving the European Union without a deal but is voting in favour of a softer Brexit, then I don't think it's sustainable to ignore Parliament's position and therefore leave without a deal.

It's an uncomfortable fact that leaving the European Union in a way that is true to the referendum result is becoming harder and harder to deliver.

People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.

The only people to whom myself and the immigration issue is toxic are to the well-heeled committed Remain voters, the sort of people who live in the Hannan and Carswell world.

One of the reasons why many British voters chose to leave the European Union was because they distrusted European institutions. Of all the many costs of Brexit, this was one I did not foresee: That it could wind up damaging the nation's faith in its own institutions too.

As far as I am concerned this referendum should settle the matter. I believe it will one way or another be decisive. Britain will not want to go through this again. On the other hand if we vote to leave, this really is irreversible.

The E.U. referendum was promised by a Conservative Prime Minister fearful of losing votes and of mass defections to UKIP.

When Brexiters told the public that people were exaggerating, that there would be a financial meltdown, I think it's been proven that they were not exaggerating.

I fear a very hard Brexit, but I hope we will find a better solution.

We cannot afford to let Brexit slip away - the political price, the reputational damage to the country is too great.

I don't think anybody voted for the Green Party without knowing what our position was on Brexit.

For Liberal Democrats, the political choice between the hard Brexit menus offered by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt might seem about as tempting as arsenic verses strychnine.

The U.K. voted for Brexit and a lot of weak-willed, lily-livered people will say 'yeah but the people did not know what they were voting for, they had no idea of what this was going to entail.' Those are the people who are saying 'lets get a second referendum, let's make the people aware this time that there is, in fact, a lot more to this.'

It is obvious to voters that Brexit has caused both of our principal parties to take leave of their traditional and historic purposes and principles, if not also their senses.

I confess that when I hear Boris Johnson's slogan let's get Brexit done it sends a chill. Because it's let's get Brexit done so we can focus on the important domestic issues.

Theresa May, a Remainer, assumed that all of the Brexit voters are racist, thinks we will use this to kick British citizens out of the country; it is despicable.

There are, of course, some who demand a no-deal Brexit and threaten to vote for any party that will deliver it.

What a travesty it is that the high priests of Leave in 2016, who insisted to all of us that Brexit would mean a return to parliamentary sovereignty, are undermining and circumventing parliamentary sovereignty in order to deliver their hard Brexit.

There is no form of Brexit that will be good for our country but a no-deal Brexit will be the most catastrophic of them all.

From the immediate abandonment of the promise of an extra £350m for the NHS, the history of Brexit is already littered with discarded and unfulfillable promises.

Poll after poll has shown that a no-deal Brexit is emphatically not what the public wants - whatever the Leave campaign-staffed No 10 press office may tell lobby correspondents.

The Brexit referendum showed us to be divided, and those of us who campaigned for remain have to accept that we lost. But that does not mean that we have to agree to the deal the prime minister has brought back - a deal that satisfies no one.

If a candidate believes in a no deal exit, they should be straight with the British people that it will come at a very considerable cost.

Something is going to have to give because, if it doesn't, not only will we get Jacob Rees-Mogg as our prime minister, we will get a devastating hard Brexit which will cause huge damage to our economy for generations to come. And I am not prepared to sit by any longer and put up with this nonsense.

My position was that if the country could unite around a soft Brexit that would be the least worst way through. But it is now very clear that the country is not going to unite around a soft Brexit. There is nobody really advocating a soft Brexit.