Dominic Raab Quotes

I believed and hoped that we would be able to secure a deal with Europe which would enable us to amend free movement.

What's important is that we do this in the right timescale to get the right deal for the U.K. We shouldn't invoke Article 50 immediately.

If I am prime minister, we will come out of the European Union, and part of that will be control of free movement.

Only the U.K. can trigger Article 50. And in my judgement, we should only do that when there is a clear view about what new arrangements we are seeking with our European neighbours.

What I cannot stand in the behaviour of the E.U. with regard to Great Britain is blackmail, constant threat.

The negotiations on the future of the U.K. and the E.U. must be led... in the interest of our citizens.

The E.U. must see us prepare for life outside of the E.U. without a deal for them to take us seriously.

A Canada-style deal for the whole of the UK results in a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. For that reason, it has never been acceptable to the EU without a permanent hard border down the Irish Sea.

I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.

You don't need to be a John Maynard Keynes to understand that if Britain leaves the European market, a border will have to be put in place - and that would break U.K. obligations in a treaty lodged at the United Nations.

If the U.K. had new watertight proposals for the border, I don't think anyone in the E.U. would say, 'We don't want to talk about it.'

All the main parties accept that the stated wish of the United Kingdom electorate to leave the E.U. must be respected. That must place on us collectively a responsibility to work together to find a solution.

I would like a UK fully engaged in Europe, but I can't decide in place of the British. I see that for the moment they want to be more in retreat.

Let me be absolutely clear: I think it is defeatist to sort of say we want to leave the European Union. We're going to try and change the rules and change the way it works and change the objectives that it has in order to make it something that works for Britain.

We had been told that it was not possible to leave the E.U., and the U.K. has just demonstrated that, when the people want it, we can set up the conditions to exit the E.U.

The referendum was clear: the British people voted to leave the single market and to take back control of our borders.

The decision to trigger Article 50 is in the hands of the next prime minister. If that is me, I will make a judgement as to when is right for Britain, and I won't be hurried or hassled by anyone into pressing that button or triggering that article until I believe it is right for this country.

The country voted to leave the European Union, and it is the duty of the Government and of Parliament to make sure we do just that.

Calling into question the Touquet deal on the pretext that Britain has voted for Brexit and will have to start negotiations to leave the union doesn't make sense.

Whilst there are problems with Article 50, it is the statement of intent that is important.

There must be no attempts to remain inside the E.U., no attempts to rejoin it through the back door, and no second referendum.

Our idea is to make the U.K. a privileged partner of the E.U.

No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.'s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.

While we have agreed to pay the E.U. tens of billions of pounds in the Withdrawal Agreement, the Political Declaration that aimed to set out the principles for this future negotiation is a document deliberately vague to allow it to mean all things to all people.

Of course, the E.U. were never going to welcome Brexit. Some sour grapes were inevitable. That's why we worked hard to leave on positive terms, extending the arm of friendship.